RISULTATI RICERCA

The fresh-cut sector has shown a positive trend in recent years, due to the "ease of use" and the increasing innovation in the quality and safety features of these products. However, in Italy, a negative trend was observed during the lockdown Covid-19. The objective of this study is to investigate consumer preferences for fresh-cut products and to identify the sensory and extrinsic attributes that influence consumer choice. It also examines whether consumer behaviour has changed during the lockdown Covid-19. An online questionnaire was administered to a convenience sample of 427 consumers. A one-way ANOVA was conducted to identify preferences for specific types of fresh-cut products; then, a factor analysis was conducted to highlight key socioeconomic variables and product attributes. Finally, a cluster analysis was conducted to identify homogeneous consumer groups. The results indicate that some attributes, including "ease of use", "texture" and "colour" show a high level of interest and appreciation by consumers. The outcomes also reveal that there has been a change in consumer attitudes during the lockdown Covid-19, mainly for reasons related to the difficulty in food procurement, the fear of contagion during purchasing occasion, and higher prices. The findings of this research contribute to the knowledge of consumers’ behaviour towards fresh-cut products in the period of lockdown Covid-19.

The publications examined in this article form the basis of a discussion on the extent to which the most recent historiography on prison experiences - civilian internment, in particular - has engaged with the so-called global turn and, at the same time, with the theme of scales in history. Through an analysis of a number of indicators that are present in the three selected works, I argue that the most important progress in historiographical terms depends not so much on the choice between traditional binomial pairs (e.g. micro/macro, local/global), but on the recourse to a micro-sociological approach aimed at avoiding the reification of both categories of analysis and periodisations, thus adopting a perspective that is never static.

The Taranto steelworks has held and continues to hold an important place in the history of Italian industrialisation. Consequently, it has been the object of numerous studies. This article examines a selection of recent publications on the Taranto steelworks and, more broadly, on the history of Italian state-owned companies and the IRI (Industrial Reconstruction Institute). The purpose is to reflect on the role of the steel industry in the Italian economy, on stateowned enterprises and their relationship with politics and on the policies pursued after the Second World War in order to reduce the gap between the North and the South. Finally, the article will discuss public debates on these topics. In doing so, it places the various decisions and the different positions on the issue in a historical context. In conclusion, the article identifies a number of questions that have yet to receive an appropriate answer.

This article offers a new genealogy of the New Left in Western Europe as it developed from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s. Differently from prevalent interpretations, it reassesses the historical influence of the Algerian War of Independence (1954-1962), and "Third-Worldism" more generally, in the genealogy of the new political cultures that flourished during the global 1960s. A whole generation of activists appropriated the memory of the anti-fascist Resistance, giving it a function that was not simply defensive but also proactive and merging the myth of the "betrayed Resistance" with the idea of imperialism as the "new Fascism". The European civil war, which Enzo Traverso has defined the distinctive feature of the first half of the twentieth century, was thus reconfigured worldwide as a "global civil war".

This article analyses a selection of recent studies about the political life of Fiume between 1919 and 1920, most of which were published on the occasion of the centenary of Gabriele D’Annunzio’s march on the city. The examined texts offer a re-reading of different themes: the city’s pre-war history, the role of the army, the city’s relation with post-war Italy and Fascism, the interpretation of new theories and political practices, and D’Annunzio’s influence on individual and collective actors. Taken together, these recent studies demonstrate that the debate on Fiume is still alive and open to new interpretations, in terms of both specific themes and more general interpretations.

Although mass access to private home ownership deeply marked the history of contemporary Italy, it remains one of the least studied topics in historiography. This article wishes to help fill this gap by analysing the origins of a process that made Italy one of the countries with the highest rate of home owners in Western Europe. Housing and construction policies aimed at encouraging and supporting small home ownership played a decisive role in this process. From a political and legislative perspective, the post-war years were fundamental: some of the main pieces that would make up the mosaic of a country of private home owners were laid down precisely in those years. In the article, I will examine the programmatic positions of parties as well as the political exchange that occurred in the Constituent Assembly and during parliamentary discussions on fundamental measures such as the Ina Casa plan and the Tupini and Aldisio laws on real estate development.

Foster Parents’ Plan (FPP) was established in 1937 to support child victims of the Spanish Civil War. The initial idea came from an English war correspondent who wanted to create "personal ties" between refugee and orphaned children and their benefactors, thus creating one of the very first "child sponsorship" experiments. The "adoptive parents" financially supported the children and maintained contact with them throughout the letter exchange. With the outbreak of the Second World War, FPP extended its aid to children from other countries as well; by the end of the conflict, it was looking after thousands of young Europeans in situations of poverty and hardship. The organisation did not arrive in Italy until 1947, and its first activities were aimed at children who had been admitted to institutions or who had suffered serious physical impairments due to the war. To successfully deal with the most urgent cases and have a direct connection to Italian society, FPP initially sought the support of institutions already active in the peninsula. However, starting from the early 1950s, it began to operate with greater autonomy thanks also to its proven organisational skills.

The establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 significantly reduced the number of Jewish displaced persons in Italy’s DP camps. However, it also marked the beginning of an unexpected movement of some eight thousand Jews who, between 1948 and 1949, travelled to Italy from Libya, seeking international assistance to resettle in Israel. This article explores the reasons for which the Jews of Libya illegally attempted to reach Italy’s DP camps, the role Jewish and Zionist organisations played in this process, and the reaction of international humanitarianism to the ensuing emergency. It argues that a Eurocentric vision, intrinsically rooted in the international refugee regime of that time, deprived the Jews fleeing from Libya of the status of displaced persons.

This article aims to demonstrate that the debate about the origin of the Etruscans can help identify the scientific and ideological inspiration behind Fascist racist theories and explain their relationship with the Catholic Church and Nazi forms of racism. In particular, I argue that the disagreements about the racial identity of the Etruscan people are exemplary of the distinction between "biological" racism and anti-Christian, non-biological racism. The article thus shows that Alfred Rosenberg’s negative representation of the Etruscans - aimed at denying the racial legitimacy of the Catholic Church - was adopted, in Italy, by anti-Christian Fascist philosophers such as Julius Evola and Giulio Cogni; the "biological" racist group behind the journal La Difesa della Razza, instead, promoted Eugen Fischer’s "Etruscologist" theory of the "aquiline race" to include the Etruscans in Italian racial history and avoid an ideological struggle with the Church.

early twentieth-century San Francisco. It studies the Italians’ integration process through the lens of race by focusing on the racist policies adopted by labour unions, which only admitted "whites" and excluded Asian immigrants. Drawing on a wide variety of sources (the labour press, trade unions’ records, employment data), I will reveal how Italians, although discriminated against and judged as racially inferior, were nonetheless recognised as "white" and therefore assimilated into the labour movement. I argue that this was made possible by the early development of a common "Caucasian" identity among European groups, modelled against Asian immigration, which reduced the tensions that prevailed elsewhere in the United States, namely between the "old stock" and the "new immigrants", among whom many Italians.

The second edition of our English-language "Yearbook", which we present here, consolidates the project launched over a year ago by the journal Italia contemporanea with the support of the Istituto Nazionale Ferruccio Parri and the publisher FrancoAngeli. With this new edition, the journal renews the practice of translating into English a selection of research articles and shorter discussion articles that the journal has published, in Italian, in the previous year. This initiative continues to represent a valuable form of transnational dissemination of the research and the historiographical and methodological debates that usually appear in the pages of Italia contemporanea. Indeed, the journal hopes to continue to make an innovative contribution to the project of making Italian historiography more competitive by overcoming the scarce global knowledge of its language and encouraging intellectual exchange with scholars of Italian history based abroad

L’Autore esamina la disciplina del coinvolgimento degli stakeholder nelle imprese sociali, di cui all’art. 11, d.lgs. 112/2017, alla luce delle linee guida ministeriali del 7 settembre 2021. Tra i punti di forza, si evidenzia la presenza di meccanismi cogestionali, mentre tra quelli di debolezza l’esclusione delle cooperative sociali, che sono imprese sociali di diritto, dall’ambito applicativo dell’art. 11. Il saggio si conclude con una valutazione nel complesso positiva: le imprese sociali possono svolgere il ruolo di utile avanguardia nella sperimenta-zione di forme partecipative ambiziose, da estendere de iure condendo all’economia convenzionale.

L’articolo si propone di ricostruire il percorso attraverso il quale la Commissione di garanzia ha analizzato il fenomeno del cosiddetto sciopero "general", partendo dagli interrogativi ini-ziali che hanno condotto l’Autorità ad adottare la delibera n. 3/134, in un’ottica di contempe-ramento tra l’esigenza delle organizzazioni sindacali di proclamare una manifestazione di pro-testa che potesse coinvolgere tutti i settori pubblici e privati, come individuati dall’art. 1 della l. 146 del 1990 e s.m.i., con la necessità di salvaguardare le prestazioni indispensabili a tutela dei diritti dei cittadini utenti, di cui la legge stessa si fa analogamente garante. Tuttavia, il mutare del panorama sindacale e della natura stessa dello sciopero "generale", sempre meno utilizzato dalle Confederazioni, è divenuto strumento di pressione che, soprattutto nel corso degli ultimi anni, ha consentito a sigle sindacali di insediamento limitato di produrre un "effetto annuncio" il più delle volte inversamente proporzionale all’effettivo dato percentuale di adesione. L’intensificarsi di tale fenomeno ha indotto, dunque, la Commissione di garanzia ad un riesa-me delle regole esistenti all’esito del quale, pur nell’ambito nella disciplina di riferimento, è stato possibile individuare nuovi strumenti atti a consentire all’Autorità una "percezio-ne/misurazione" quanto più possibile corrispondente alla reale partecipazione dei lavoratori allo sciopero "generale".